Now and then I’ll scan the international media for reports about “heightening tensions between black and white South Africans.” They never disappoint. (Serious, try it.) Moreover, it seems to have become standard practice to believe and copy each other’s stories. (Incredibly, even Think Africa Press recently wrote tensions flared.) It made me wonder how reporters actually measure those tensions. I assume they rely on sensationalist South African press headlines about run-ins between black and white South African citizens (these stories usually come with blown-up quotes), or fancy documentaries like in the report above with sound-bite bylines such as “White South African teens wrestle with an uncertain identity … They learn they are their own people — not South Africans but Afrikaners” (remember we wrote about this story and called it ‘The Dutch Disease’, a month before a motion was submitted, and rejected, to the Dutch Parliament “asking the government to help stop racial discrimination against the Afrikaners in South Africa”; it now comes with a video). The Institute for Justice and Reconciliation, one of the few organizations doing factual research on how South African relationships and attitudes evolve, paints a different picture — a picture that might be too complicated for print.
I had told many half-truths before, but those little lies were cute compared to this, the first time I told a big lie.
The Jacob Zuma years were especially damaging for re-introducing South Africans to political leaders who did not fear shame.
Today marks ten years since Aimé Césaire’s death. What would he have thought about the state of the former French colonies today?
Engaging seriously with Winnie Madikizela-Mandela’s life could help us understand how South Africa got where it is and where it’s going.
The Sauti za Busara festival in Zanzibar aims to show that music is much more than a collection of tunes.
The murder of Abu Asvat has clouded Winnie Mandela’s legacy. Their deep friendship symbolized what could have been in the struggle for freedom.
Striving to be both European and black requires some specific forms of double consciousness — Paul Gilroy in The Black Atlantic.
What use are academic categories when they reinforce conservative concepts scholars seek to challenge?
Does Julius Malema’s EFF in South Africa do better by its local party machinery–especially its women officials–than the ANC
Uber’s usual tricks — to provoke price wars in an attempt to increase their share of markets, evade taxes, and undermine workers’ rights — are alive and well in Africa.
How black women shaped black nationalist and internationalist movements in the twentieth century US.
Land reform dominates public debate in South Africa. But it comes with a lack of data and a clear policy.
It is key that peacemaking in the CAR prioritize inclusion of minorities, especially Muslim and Peuhl Central Africans.
New York’s Caribbean Cultural Center and African Diaspora Institute seeks to “document and present the creative genius of African Diaspora cultures.”
When rain falls on a leopard, it does not wash off his spots. The same can’t be said of Kenya’s media and the opposition after Uhuru Kenyatta’s crackdown.
Social media group-think derails any chance for a progressive political movement.
30 years ago, free speech advocates were more willing to tolerate far-right voices than oppose them. It’s now happening again.
Is the US military on its way to Ghana to set up base? What do Ghanaians think.
Living in the city that hosted the 1884 conference where Western powers divided up Africa for themselves