Labor protests in Swaziland: when no news is not good news

To quote an old adage by the late Steve Biko: the Swazi workers are on their own.

On Sunday there were no reports of teargas, arrests and beating of democracy activists in Swaziland. Having worked with African unions since 2006, I got used to the annual reports of abuses of trade unionists and other democracy activists calling for democracy on April 12. It was always followed by international solidarity actions, including faxing protest letters to current ruler, King Mswati III. This year there were no April 12 protests in Swaziland.

King Sobhuza II set aside the constitution April 12 1973, declaring a state of emergency and proclaiming  all executive, judicial and legislative functions his prerogative. The little landlocked kingdom between South Africa and Mozambique is the last absolute monarchy on the continent with no guarantee of basic human or trade union rights. The Swazi democracy movement has used April 12 as a day of protest and call for democracy; a date dreaded by the government.

The 2005 constitution did not change the status of the King. Additional anti-terror acts have worsen the situation for the democracy movement, in reality prolonging the state of emergency and where political parties are still banned. The biggest opposition party, The People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), operates partly underground, partly from South Africa, and when sticking their head out: Facing the police.

The trade union movement has spearheaded the democracy movement. Since the two federations SFTU (Swaziland Federation of Trade Unions) and SFL (Swaziland Federation of Labor) started close cooperation in 2010, they also blew new life and vigor to the democracy movement and the April 12 protests. Further ignited by the Arab Spring and the many protests in Sub Saharan Africa, the April 12 Uprising of 2011 was the biggest mobilization in the history of the protest, described as a war-zone, followed by forceful clampdown from army and police. The arrest and torture of the student leader Mazwell Dlamini, sparked the international student and solidarity NGOs to action.

When SFTU and SFL merged to form one joint confederation, the Trade Union Congress of Swaziland (TUCOSWA), in March 2012, it took the government only a month to find a loophole: The 2005 constitution provides for the right to organize trade unions – but there is no reference to trade union federations: hence it cannot be legal. TUCOSWA was deregistered to massive protest from solidarity organization and trade union bodies. For a while, it looked like the government would back down. The unions did not back down, and April 12th 2012 saw another democracy protests followed by arrests. After this is it gradually more and more silent in Swaziland on April 12. Last year, there were some minor protests.

Yesterday, there are no reports of protests. TUCOSWA is still banned and continuously disturbed by the police, despite repetitive protests from the international union movement, and a host of United Nations bodies. But they have little leverage on the kingdom. There is a dangours silence from the most important actor: South Africa. COSATU has been one of TUCOSWAs most ardent supporters, but internal troubles have hampered its international and solidarity work. To add to it, the South Africa’ government has many ties, in addition to the personal and cultural (the Zulu-Dlamini connection) and direct investments by the ruling ANC. To quote an old adage by the late Steve Biko (who is also the inspiration for student protests over curriculum, name changes and public symbols at universities in South Africa), the Swazi workers are on their own.

Despite the troubles, Swazi trade unionists do have the spirits (and some international support) and is actually an inspiration of unity and commitment, on a continent sadly characterized by splits and disunity in the trade union movement.

Further Reading

On Safari

On our year-end publishing break, we reflect on how 2024’s contradictions reveal a fractured world grappling with inequality, digital activism, and the blurred lines between action and spectacle.

Rebuilding Algeria’s oceans

Grassroots activists and marine scientists in Algeria are building artificial reefs to restore biodiversity and sustain fishing communities, but scaling up requires more than passion—it needs institutional support and political will.

Ibaaku’s space race

Through Afro-futurist soundscapes blending tradition and innovation, Ibaaku’s new album, ‘Joola Jazz,’ reshapes Dakar’s cultural rhythm and challenges the legacy of Négritude.

An allegiance to abusers

This weekend, Chris Brown will perform two sold-out concerts in South Africa. His relationship to the country reveals the twisted dynamic between a black American artist with a track record of violence and a country happy to receive him.

Shell’s exit scam

Shell’s so-called divestment from Nigeria’s Niger Delta is a calculated move to evade accountability, leaving behind both environmental and economic devastation.

Africa’s sibling rivalry

Nigeria and South Africa have a fraught relationship marked by xenophobia, economic competition, and cultural exchange. The Nigerian Scam are joined by Khanya Mtshali to discuss the dynamics shaping these tensions on the AIAC podcast.

The price of power

Ghana’s election has brought another handover between the country’s two main parties. Yet behind the scenes lies a flawed system where wealth can buy political office.

Beats of defiance

From the streets of Khartoum to exile abroad, Sudanese hip-hop artists have turned music into a powerful tool for protest, resilience, and the preservation of collective memory.