A record Congo doesn’t want

More Congolese are displaced from their homes than Iraqis, Yemenis, or Rohingyas. according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.

Congolese Army. Image via Wikipedia.

The past few month have not been good for longtime African leaders who have been forced to step down, from Robert Mugabe to Hailemariam Desalegn [qualification: in the latter’s case, he is a representative of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, in control of Ethiopia’s government since 1995, but you get the picture]. An upcoming slew of elections in the first half of the year could prove problematic for many more. In Sierra Leone, for one, a new party — The National Grand Coalition — could bring down the hegemony of the Sierra Leone People’s Party, and All Peoples Congress, both of who have have essentially held power exclusively since independence. This election, surely, might become a true test for the strength of the political institutions.

Further north, the “international community” is determined to hold elections in Libya. Sometime in 2018. But in whose interest?

Across the Mediterranean, African migrants, and immigration, are having an outsized impact on the Italian elections.

Speaking of Italy, an anthropologist looks at the economic incentives behind migration of women who end up doing sex work. And how the focus must change in the narrative, if there is to be any success.

This week marked the 133rd anniversary of the Berlin Conference. From the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon to conversations around the Single African Air Transport Market, we find ourselves still coming up against those Berlin Walls erected on the continent then.

Two former US ambassadors to Kenya call for American intervention in Kenya.

“Today, more Congolese are displaced from their homes than Iraqis, Yemenis, or Rohingyas,” and as has been the case historically, external interference continues to destabilize it.

A decade after assault and attacks from the Lords Resistance Army, Ugandan women still carry the burden of trauma.

What Maya Angelou’s time in Egypt says about the Arab-Black solidarity in the 50s and 60s.

And yes; Black Panther is a little anti-Muslim.

Further Reading

A power crisis

Andre De Ruyter, the former CEO of Eskom, has presented himself as a simple hero trying to save South Africa’s struggling power utility against corrupt forces. But this racially charged narrative is ultimately self-serving.

Cinematic universality

Fatou Cissé’s directorial debut meditates on the uncertain fate and importance of Malian cinema amidst the growing dismissiveness towards the humanities across the world.

The meanings of Heath Streak

Zimbabwean cricketing legend Heath Streak’s career mirrors many of the unresolved tensions of race and class in Zimbabwe. Yet few white Zimbabwean sporting figures are able to stir interest and conversation across the nation’s many divides.


After winning Italy’s Serie A with Napoli, Victor Osimhen has cemented his claim to being Africa’s biggest footballing icon. But is the trend of individual stardom good for sports and politics?

The magic man

Chris Blackwell’s long-awaited autobiography shows him as a romantic rogue; a risk taker whose life compass has been an open mind and gift to hear and see slightly into the future.

How to think about colonialism

Contemporary approaches to the legacy of colonialism tend to narrowly emphasize political agency as the solution to Africa’s problems. But agency is configured through historically particular relations of which we are not sole authors.

More than just a flag

South Africa’s apartheid flag has been declared hate speech by a top court. But while courts are important and their judgments matter, racism is a long and internationally entrenched social phenomenon that cannot be undone via judicial processes.