Cameroon is Cameroon

A mix of factors - language, regional, sexism, an opposition that has been co-opted by the ruling party and repression - prevents real, meaningful change in Cameroon.

Image: Daniel Panev, via Flickr CC.

Cameroon’s government, jittery about the role of social media in revolutions in North Africa, last week suspended Twitter on a local cellphone network. Not everyone are convinced social media will play a decisive role in any opposition movement against President Paul Biya’s 28-year regime. But the government aren’t taking any chances.  In any case, the regime is very successful at dividing and paying off opposition figures. Add to that police repression, Biya’s overseas PR  and the opposition’s tendency to handicap itself.

Observers (I asked around, read the country’s English press, and checked out Cameroon-themed blogs and news sites for the last two weeks) point to the February 23 “National Day of Protest” as a good example.

Biya’s government has failed its citizens (40% of Cameroonians live on less than 1$ per day; half of the country’s people do not have access to drinking water, 50% have no access to electricity or to a flush toilet), so the organizers may have expected thousands to turn up in major cities like Douala and Yaounde.

A massive police presence and early arrests – before the protests even got under way – put paid to well laid plans. In the port city of Douala police outnumbered protesters. Police wasted no time to attack protesters. Opposition leader Kah Walla was sprayed with a water canon from an armored vehicle.  Others got it worse. Some protesters were viciously beaten with batons and kicked around. See video footage and images taken with a cellphone camera of Cameroon’s police at work.

The protests were also handicapped from the start. The national leaders of the two largest opposition parties did not endorse the protests. Most of these leaders, who have ossified into a settled political class who derives rents and benefits from the existing system, also distrust Kah Walla. She used to the president of the strategic committee of one of these parties, the SPF, before she announced she’d run for President of Cameroon in this year’s elections. The SDP’s octogenarian leader John Fru Ndi doesn’t support Ka Walla either. (He himself is the yin to Biya’s yang. They complete each other, so Cameroons are caught in an eternal loop where nothing happens and Biya stays in power forever.)

Sexism is also – not surprisingly – a problem in Cameroonian politics. Ka Walla has been called a “young lady” by an opponent from one of the opposition parties.

There is consensus that Kah Walla, who is only 46 (Fru Ndi is 70 and Biya 78) may not be as embedded as the traditional opposition; what they do agree on is her courage and defiance in the face of incredible odds.

Lastly, there is regional politics, probably the most decisive factor preventing a national movement against Biya’s regime: Most English speakers see no part in reform politics; discriminated against since independence (Cameroon is essentially ruled by a French speaking elite that treats all speakers, French and English, bad, but English speakers are marginalized even more.) Cameroon is Cameroon, as some have said in frustration, in comments on posts about this latest crisis.

Further Reading

The sound of revolt

On his third album, Afro-Portuguese artist Scúru Fitchádu fuses ancestral wisdom with urban revolt, turning memory and militancy into a soundtrack for resistance.

O som da revolta

No seu terceiro álbum, o artista afro-português Scúru Fitchádu funde a sabedoria ancestral com a revolta urbana, transformando memória e militância em uma trilha sonora para a resistência.

Biya forever

As Cameroon nears its presidential elections, a disintegrated opposition paves the way for the world’s oldest leader to claim a fresh mandate.

From Cornell to conscience

Hounded out of the United States for his pro-Palestine activism, Momodou Taal insists that the struggle is global, drawing strength from Malcolm X, faith, and solidarity across borders.

After the uprising

Following two years of mass protest, Kenya stands at a crossroads. A new generation of organizers is confronting an old question: how do you turn revolt into lasting change? Sungu Oyoo joins the AIAC podcast to discuss the vision of Kenya’s radical left.

Redrawing liberation

From Gaza to Africa, colonial cartography has turned land into property and people into populations to be managed. True liberation means dismantling this order, not redrawing its lines.

Who deserves the city?

Colonial urbanism cast African neighborhoods as chaotic, unplanned, and undesirable. In postcolonial Dar es Salaam, that legacy still shapes who builds, who belongs, and what the middle class fears the city becoming.

Djinns in Berlin

At the 13th Berlin Biennale, works from Zambia and beyond summon unseen forces to ask whether solidarity can withstand the gaze of surveillance.

Colonize then, deport now

Trump’s deportation regime revives a colonial blueprint first drafted by the American Colonization Society, when Black lives were exiled to Africa to safeguard a white republic.