Jeremy Cronin’s Cape Town

By now Contemporary Literature has probably forced me to take down the series of Jeremy Cronin blog posts (more like cut and pasted from a long interview with my favorite Communist), so read quickly.  This excerpt, the last, is Cronin on identity politics, race and Cape Town:

… My home city, Cape Town, is unique in South Africa in that around half of its population is, to use South African parlance, “Coloured,” neither of distinctly European settler nor of indigenous African (including Khoisan) origin, but a blend of these and, importantly, also of diverse East Asian, Madagascan, and Angolan origins—the result of over a century and a half of slavery at the Cape. Cape Town is not always a popular city among many in the new South African elite, partly, I suspect, because its mixedness starkly challenges the cornerstone assumption of fixed racial identities. Anyhow, all of the above is the immediate context for some of my recent Cape Town work, like “A poem for Basil Mannenberg Coetzee’s left shoulder.”

…Basil Mannenberg Coetzee was an iconic tenor saxophonist in Cape Town. His signature tune, “Mannenberg,” named for a particularly tough Coloured ghetto on the outskirts of the city, was always played to great acclaim in the 1980s in political mobilizational drives (along with scratchy recordings of Bob Marley’s “Buffalo Soldier”). “Mannenberg” is one of the classics of Cape jazz, a style that evokes many local sounds—Malay choirs, carnival troupes, church brass bands, the muezzin’s evening call to prayer, the dried-kelp horn of fish vendors, eighteenth-century Dutch sailors’ chanteys, and much more. My own poem evolved eclectically out of sketches and notes I have been making over the last twenty years. The white, working-class municipal swimming-pool attendant who was always high on marijuana and who liked to tell me his “philosophy of life” is there. The community organizer who, in the 1980s, was always urging us to get our “arses into gear,” and who then went on to be South Africa’s High Commissioner in London, is there. So is the trade-union organizer who avidly read Lenin and had detailed plans for a citywide insurrection that never quite happened. (The insurrection was going to be based on Coloured garment workers in factories with rather non-Leninist names—Fun Frills, Tiny Tots, Parklane Lingerie. How could a poet not fall in love with the creative energies and incongruities of all of that?) The poem, and others like it, is, I hope, a celebration of popular creativity and struggle…a struggle that has not ended.

The Party is not The Nation

From that same interview that I have been so liberally cutting and pasting from this week—in Comparative Literature–the Communist poet and intellectual, Jeremy Cronin, talks about the conundrum for black intellectuals after the end of Apartheid:

… For obvious reasons that I’ve already alluded to, a great premium is placed on unity and loyalty within the culture of the ANC-led liberation movement. In the days of illegality and repression, carefree individualism could be a deadly indulgence. Unity and loyalty are still important. But national liberation movements, pre- and postindependence, also have a problematic habit of identifying themselves as “the nation.” There are numerous examples crystallized in once-popular slogans: “CPP is Ghana, Ghana is CPP”; “SWAPO is the Nation, the Nation is SWAPO”; “the Kenyan African National Union is the Mother and Father of the Nation.”

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Pseudo-cosmopolitanism

More from that 2008 Comparative Literature interview with my favorite Communist poet, Jeremy Cronin. Bua Komanisi:

… A sense of audience has always been important for me. When I write a poem, or when I go back to an old poem, I try to listen to it with the ear of someone else, perhaps an audience, real or imagined. One audience whose feedback and engagement I have always appreciated is the relatively small circle of fellow South African poets, critics, and academics teaching poetry. But I have also always wanted to write a poetry that is generally accessible to a wider audience.

In this I have not always succeeded, of course. The failing is not just personal; there are many objective challenges. There are, for instance, eleven official languages in South Africa, and while English is the major lingua franca, writing poetry in English is not necessarily an advantage. Afrikaner nationalism, with all of its reactionary tendencies and faults, was centrally a cultural and language-based movement, and poetry was (and still is) cherished amongst a broader Afrikaans-language public. This has never been the case with the often pseudo-cosmopolitan, white, English-speaking community into which I was born. Major English-language South African writers—like the two Nobel laureates, Nadine Gordimer and John Coetzee—tend to be much better known outside of South Africa and tend to write, one suspects, with a European or North American audience in mind. For me, oral performances, particularly in contexts which are not narrowly poetical (a trade union meeting, or a political conference, for instance), have been a very important means for reaching a wider, more diverse audience.

Source: Comparative Literature.

Slipping into individualistic comfort

The daily word of inspiration (cut and pasted from Contemporary Literature) from my favorite, comtemporary Communist, Jeremy Cronin:

… At present I am inclined to make my poems much more actively disruptive within themselves, to foreground contradiction and paradox, to enact interruption, to celebrate the parenthetical, to make manifest the unresolved. In the first post-1994 decade of democracy in South Africa, public discourse was overwhelmed with the notions of harmony and self-congratulatory contentment. We had achieved a “political miracle,” we were a “rainbow nation,” we had finally “rejoined the family of nations,” we were “a winning nation,” internationally we could “punch above our weight,” we were at the cutting edge of a global “third wave of democracy,” our own achievement heralded an “imminent African renaissance.” Of course, there is much to be proud of in the South African democratic transition. The public discourses of the time were certainly flattering to all of us in the new political elite (myself included). But the tendencies towards excessive contentment and therefore closure have been even more helpful to the old, the well-entrenched economic elite in the mining houses and financial institutions, the very entities that helped to shape a century of racial segregation and apartheid. They were perfectly happy with a message that said the black majority has got the vote now, uhuru (independence) is upon us, the struggle is over, a luta discontinua!

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Fascism and Aesthetics

Jeremy Cronin is my favorite Communist. Astute, intellectual and a poet. Cronin is a former political prisoner and now ANC member of Parliament in South Africa. “Even the Dead” is still my favorite poem. I recently chanced upon a 2009 interview he did with the academic Andrew van der Vlies (featured on this blog here) in Contemporary Literature. (You need a subscription or access to an academic database to read it.) Much of it is about Cronin’s poetry (more for diehard literature types), but in-between the interview contain some great insights about political life and political art in South Africa now. I’m going to cut and paste a few of them here.

For starters:

… [I]n the present South African situation, it is particularly important to reconsider many things in the light of the new reality. The ANC-led movement is no longer a persecuted formation; it is in power, at least in political power. Walter Benjamin writes somewhere that fascism systematically introduces aesthetics into political life. It marshals art into what he describes as “the production of ritual values.” He suggests that we should respond to fascism’s rendering politics aesthetic by politicizing aesthetics. I certainly do not think that we are on the brink of fascism, not even remotely. But the dangers of the aesthetic, including poetry, now being pressed into the service of a lulling complacency, a ritualistic sentimentalism that loses the zip and edge of the collective self-emancipatory struggles of the previous period, are very real. The aesthetic runs the danger of becoming anesthetic …

Source.

The Dangers of Populism

Ray Hartley, The Times (South Africa) editor, interviews Jeremy Cronin, top intellectual and currently Minister of Transport in South Africa.

Via The Wild Frontier (Hartley’s blog)

THE POVERTY OF IDEAS

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I was forwarded the front and back covers of a new book–edited by William Gumede (author of a book on Thabo Mbeki) and Leslie Dikeni (brother of poet Sandile)–on South African intellectual culture. I don’t have more information except that it appears to focus on the Thabo Mbeki era, a period characterized by virulent anti-intellectualism. Dikeni’s chapter is on “pseudo-intellectuals,” while Jeremy Cronin writes on the late exiled ANC intellectual, Comrade Mzala–remember Mzala’s 1980s book on Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi, “Chief with a Double Agenda”? which had to be pulled from library shelves after the Chief objected?

The book also has contributions from Jonathan Jansen (the first black university president of the University of the Free State), US-based literature professor Grant Farred, Mahmood Mamdani, and poet James Matthews.

I am curious to read Cronin’s take on Mzala.

JOE SLOVO WAS A COMMUNIST AND MY HERO

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When I first learned of Joe Slovo as a teenager in 1980s South Africa, I thought he must be black inside since whites at the time did not necessarily side with the liberation struggle against Apartheid. Joe was a public exception and paid a heavy price for his commitment.

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