AFRICA IS A COUNTRY

The New York Times correspondent Lydia Polgreen’s report, earlier this week, on the murder of an African National Congress (ANC) candidate for a local town council in South Africa’s Kwazulu-Natal province in September this year has cast the spotlight on how local struggles for resources and power underpin the most recent spate of “political violence” in KwaZulu-Natal. The murdered candidate, Dumisani Malunga, was running as a ward councillor in a town called Oshabeni, and was shot on his way back from a political meeting. Polgreen reports that in KwaZulu-Natal alone, “nearly 40 politicians have been killed since 2010 in battles over political posts.” Polgreen’s article focuses on intra-ANC political violence, but it is worth noting that there has been a significant increase in such killings since a new party, the National Freedom Party (NFP), broke away from the ANC’s rival Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) in January 2011, claiming the lives of at least 30 IFP and NFP supporters and nearly 40 ANC officials.

Stakes are high in KwaZulu-Natal.

The ANC has less of a monopoly on control of local councils in the province than it does elsewhere in the country (with the exception of the Western Cape). As IFP members defected to the NFP led by Zanele Magwaza-Msibi (a former top IFP official), it quickly became clear that competition for local resources trumped serious ideological contestation. NFP members were targeted in the run-up to the May 2011 municipal elections when I was conducting historical research in communities around the Table Mountain area of KwaZulu-Natal. The NFP won 11% of the votes in KwaZulu-Natal, damaging the IFP’s already dwindling support and enabling the ANC to make significant gains. The new party split the IFP’s support base and the NFP later signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the ANC in at least 20 municipalities where there was no clear majority. But the coalition struggled at the microlocal level, where NFP leaders occasionally cooperated with IFP officials to overthrow ANC mayors. The most recent clashes erupted in KwaMashu near Ethekwini (Durban). The IFP retained control of KwaMashu after by-elections held there on Wednesday this week proceeded peacefully.

What media reports of these “political murders” in KwaZulu-Natal tend to overlook is the need to situate them in a larger historical context. Despite the New York Times’ claim to the contrary, South Africa’s transition was far from bloodless. Violence monitors conservatively estimate that nearly 12,000 people died between 1985 and 1996 in KwaZulu-Natal alone. This regional civil war, known in isiZulu as uDlame, left thousands more injured and displaced. Homes, cars, and other personal possessions were looted and destroyed. The international media labeled it “black-on-black” and “tribal” violence, especially in Gauteng where reports categorized the conflict as one between the Zulu ethnic nationalist IFP and the rest (Xhosa, Sotho, etc) under the ANC. While the most commonly cited explanation for the transition-era violence roots it in this struggle for political supremacy between the ANC and IFP, fueled by the apartheid state’s covert activities, there was often a disjuncture between the national political parties and local actors. From Table Mountain and Durban’s Molweni and Inanda areas to the East Rand townships, “political violence” was inseparable from conflict over the control of local resources, ranging from land and housing to taxi routes. In KwaZulu-Natal, the competition was between isiZulu-speakers. Some of these struggles, particularly those I studied in rural Table Mountain, were deeply influenced by the legacy of colonial and apartheid land, administration, and employment policies that created chiefs, boundary lines, and rural reserves.

As apartheid gave way to democracy, many observers credited President Jacob Zuma (then first an ANC official and briefly as provincial government minister of the province) with brokering the cessation of violence in KwaZulu-Natal. It will be interesting to see whether or not Msholozi (as Zuma is popularly known) heeds the call to return as negotiator. Zulu King Goodwill Zwelithini, loathe to address the persistence of staggering inequalities that foments the current competition for resources, recognizes the continued impact of tensions held over from transition-era conflicts. The Zulu king recently suggested the solution to the bloodshed lies in an umkhosi woswela, a ceremony to cleanse Zulu men of the lingering “evil spirits that breed violence.” President Zuma and King Zwelithini attended a similar reconciliation ceremony in November 2010 in Vulindlela, an area of Pietermaritzburg devastated by the wars of the 1990s.

While these rituals can be important to the healing of still deeply divided communities, the lack of political accountability, access to land, and decent jobs is likely to continue to spark vicious struggles like that which killed Dumisani Malunga. The connection between the contemporary political violence and material deprivation and inequality is undeniable; but these conflicts are not new and are deeply rooted in colonialism and apartheid.

By the way, much of contemporary historical work has overlooked this relatively recent painful era, but for those wanting to learn more about the transition-era violence one might start with Mario Krämer’s Violence as Routine; Gary Kynoch’s “Crime, Conflict and Politics in Transition-Era South Africa”; and Philip Bonner and Vusi Ndima’s “The Roots of Violence and Martial Zuluness on the East Rand” (in Zulu Identities). Not so good would be the work of Anthea Jeffery.

* Jill Kelly is assistant professor of history at Southern Methodist University.

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2 thoughts on “The New York Times reports on political violence in South Africa

  1. And a few others from civil society to remember (extract from intro to the book Durban’s Climate Gamble):

    In early 2009 in Umlazi township, a hail of 50 AK-47 bullets killed traditional leader Inkosi Mbongeleni Zondi, grandson of Bhambatha Zondi, the Zulu leader who led a rebellion against Natal colonial officials in 1906. A month later in the suburb of New Germany, the local leader of the South African National Civic Organization, Jimmy Mtolo, was shot on a Saturday morning by an assassin who came into his office ostensibly seeking help with housing. His daughter, ANC Member of Parliament Ntombikayise Sibhidla, complained about police failure to find the murderer. A few weeks later, in April 2009, the next assassination victim was South Durban Community Environmental Alliance (SDCEA) leader Ahmed Osman, gunned down on his stoop in cold blood on a warm late-summer evening, in the midst of fighting companies responsible for toxic waste releases in Clairwood. In 2008, SDCEA’s Des D’Sa was nearly killed in a firebombing of his flat. In 2007, ward councilor and former SDCEA member Rajah Naidoo was the victim of a similar hit.

    In August 2008, demonstrations in the center of town in front of the ICC led to the death of 22-year-old University of South Africa political science student Mthoko Nkwanyana, who was protesting high tuition fees alongside 400 others; police used tear gas so aggressively that he died in the skirmish. This was reminiscent of a similar protest at UKZN’s Westville campus in 2001 when Michael Makhabane was killed by security guards during a peaceful protest of more than 500 students, again against high fees. Another youth, Marcel King, was killed in June 2004 in Phoenix township, not far from Gandhi’s settlement, shot between the eyes by security guards hired by the Durban municipality to disconnect illegal electricity hookups. According to his brother Jonathan, “My mother was involved in a confrontation with a security guard who had just hit her because she had tried to climb on to the back of his van. Marcel tried to pull her away but the guard cocked his gun and began firing.”

    In July 2007, civil society activist Sajida Khan died because Durban municipal toxins, floating across Clare Road from Bisasar Road dump, gave her two bouts of cancer. The most famous post-apartheid death cannot be attributed to government, opposition parties, business or gangs, though: activist Gugu Dlamini was killed in December 2008 by township residents who stigmatized her AIDS education work and stoned her to death.

    (Patrick Bond, Univ of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil Society, http://ccs.ukzn.ac.za)

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