Perspective on 2011 SA Local Elections

If you’re tired of the nonsense published in The New York Times or on the BBC website about yesterday’s local elections in South Africa or can’t bear the spin that will come from ANC (this points to widespread approval of its current leadership) or Democratic Alliance spin doctors (tripling your vote from 2% to 6% among black voters is an achievement), see below the insights of Steven Friedman, still one of the few good political analysts out of South Africa. With his permission I took these from Steven’s Facebook page; he had posted them throughout the morning:

“… We have had tons of analysis but still do not know exactly how this is going to end because most of the township vote is not in yet. Trends so far suggest the ANC will indeed win all metros except Cape Town and that the DA has not made any great inroads among township voters but let us see whether that is confirmed when the big votes come in. So far this has gone as I thought it would!

… Turn-out is interesting – it seems it is actually quite a bit higher than last time. What effect that has on the final vote is something we must wait to see when the township vote comes in.

…On COPE, so far the evidence is that, if your party splits down the middle, you take around half the vote you did last time! That said, I do find the commentary which talks about COPE’s implosion nonsense. The results do suggest that the COPE voters who support Lekota have remained loyal to the party and that COPE will remain a factor in our politics. I find it irritating that cliches become a part of mainstream analysis because people can’t be bothered to think through an issue.

… Race is still an immensely important factor for all voters – we always hear how black township voters are influenced by race but no-one mentions that white suburban voters are too. The key issue in this campaign is that the DA made a massive pitch for black voters. My sense is that they did not make serious inroads. Race will remain important to South African voters for a long time to come.

… I haven’t seen anything in this election to suggest that [a situation in which the ruling party really has to worry that the opposition could beat it in a national election] is now thecase. The DA has run a very effective campaign but they still cannot attract majority black voters in any numbers. The ANC will face a serious threat at the polls only when it splits again and faces an opposition which comes out of the ANC.

… [The DA] may be getting a little too excited about results thus far but they should certainly get over 20% and 25% is not impossible. I think this comes from a consolidation of the opposition vote – the DA has persuaded more opposition voters to come out and vote and to vote specifically for it – and from the fact that some ANC voters have stayed away. So part of the DA’s gain is not because they have won more votes but because the ANC has won less.

… On opposition parties, both we and they should acknowledge that parties can play important roles even if they are not the government: I know of democracies where parties are in opposition for 100 years and they still play a role. Opposition parties should work out what they can do to represent their voters – being in government is not the only way they can do that. Of course, if the ANC splits again and we have very competitive elections, opposition parties may play a role in coalitions but no-one knows when that will happen.

I think the ruling party has two problems. It hasn’t found a way to deal with its internal conflicts and it is becoming alienated from many of its voters who feel that leaders don’t take them seriously. Any ground it has lost are a result of those two factors.

… My sense is that the ANC has not made any inroads this time into the ‘white’ vote. A key reason for the DA’s gains is that they have increased their support among whites and other racial minorities. You may have noticed that, at first, the ANC was way behind in the major metros – it is still behind in Johannesburg. That is because the results which come in first are those from the mainly white suburbs.

… I don’t think we should automatically assume that rural people [still voting for the ANC and not for opposition parties] are less informed. But if you look at the results, it is still clear that race is a much more important issue than rural or urban. In general, South Africans vote their identities – they vote for who for who they think speaks for people like them. Race is very important but so are all sorts of other identity factors including tradition – who your family has supported through the years. Unless the opposition comes out of the ANC it cannot persuade most voters that it shares their identity.”

Learn more about Steven here.

What’s So Funny

Cartoonist Andy Mason recently published a history of the art form in South Africa. What’s So Funny? Under the skin of South African Cartooning is the only book of its kind that traces the origins and development of cartooning in South Africa, and its political place in the socio-political context.  We send him some questions.

[Read more...]

What to make of Julius Malema

Julius Malema, the young ANC leader recently described by Winnie Mandela as “the future President of South Africa” can get a rise out of people. And he is often a stand-in for all kinds of prejudices. As comic artist Nathan Trantaal told AIAC recently: ”… The South African mainstream likes to have a black man they can laugh at, a black man who says something that is so obviously wrong they can jump at the opportunity to lampoon him. Take Julius Malema, for example. I don’t particularly like the way people talk or write about him. I mean, he’s a dumb bastard, but there’s just something very uncomfortably self-righteous about it. Don’t call a black person dumb in the media every single day. “Dom Kaffir” [dumb kaffir] is what the old government used to say. And whether it is deliberate or not, it has that undercurrent.”  Which is why  the blog Think Africa Press’ round-up of South African expert opinion on Malema, is so valuable.  Here’s a sample from the expert comment by political economist (and former broadcaster) Hein Marias–he wrote the new book South Africa Pushed To The Limit: The Political Economy Of Change:

[Read more...]

We are all Andries Tatane

By An Anonymous Reader
South Africa is far from what Tunisia was like pre-revolution (for one it is not governed by a one-party police state; or it does not conducts mass arrests of its opponents; and if you insult the president you don’t get tortured and jailed indefinitely), but the parallels of small-town cops beating to death a South Africa Everyman because he was angry with poor or non-existent service delivery (water, electricity, roads, housing) are eerily reminiscent of what happened to a certain fruit vendor in southern Tunisia. (Here‘s video footage from South African TV news of the murder.)

But if you asked someone in Meqheleng where Andries Tatane was murdered (yes, I did look up the largest township in Ficksburg in the Free State Province) whether they are as frustrated as your typical Tunisian circa 2010, I wonder what they would reply?

Would the ANC’s proper electoral mandate and liberation credentials outweigh the impression that those in power–personified by President Jacob Zuma, and his Ministers or ANC leaders like Tokyo Sexwale, Sicelo Shiceka, and Siphiwe Nyanda, etcetera–are amassing wealth and governing just like Hosni Mubarak and Ben Ali?

My hunch is a few years from now the residents of Meqheleng or any of the townships or squatter settlements won’t care how legitimate the ruling party’s mandate is: poor service delivery is poor service delivery.

You know at least for now in further Tunisia parallels the people of Ficksburg have ratcheted things up a bit.

Which leads me this:

[Read more...]

Jacob Zuma Time

Sean Jacobs
Note from a friend who closely watches the South African political scene:

Below [the link follows] is a JZ [Jacob Zuma] post-Durban posting [the ruling party, the ANC, held its policy conference there last weekend], on Baobab, The Economist‘s Africa blog. Am I wrong to scratch my head at everyone claiming JZ emerges from Durban with his power reasserted? Is all it takes one speech where JZ wields the rhetorical hammer and tells the [trade] unions what they want to hear. Is this what he always does to everyone, save [ANC Youth League leader Julius] Malema?. I am just thinking about the media’s really zero-sum coverage of [Zuma] … He is either a dead man walking or the undisputed leader of the party. I actually got the same sense when reading [say Mail & Guardian political reporter] Mandy Rossouw‘s coverage of the NGC [that's the national general council of the ANC, the aforementioned policy conference] … ‘JZ is back.’ Am I missing something here? Was there more going on behind the scenes than just this speech? Sure Malema got the public slapdown, but that has happened before.

Comments?

Skin Deep

I finally had a chance to read Charlayne Hunter-Gault’s profile of Jacob Zuma that appeared in “The New Yorker” on the eve of the World Cup final.

You need a password to read the piece. But don’t bother. It’s very elementary stuff for junkies of South African politics. Written in a dry tone, it rehashes the political contests of the last 5 years between Zuma and the now vanquished Thabo Mbeki.  Except when Hunter-Gault briefly touches on the subject of Zuma’s successor after 2013 when his term expires (remember he said he’d only run for one term) and brings up race politics–and we’re not talking about white people–within the ruling party, the African National Congress:

[Read more...]

The Emperor has no clothes

How do we make sense of the current direction of the ANC, described yesterday by Archbishop Desmond Tutu as purveyors of “gutter politics.”  There’s a lot of sound and fury and nonsense passing as analysis. Much of it is focused on Julius Malema, now sent to ANC “political school” for rehabilitation run by a convicted felon. But let’s not get distracted. What does Malema mean? What can we expect from ANC quarters for the foreseeable future.  The best take–forwarded to me in an email exchange a few days ago–come from Hein Marais, who, for me at least, still remains one of the trenchant critics of South Africa’s transition*:

… The ANC’s ethical moorings are pretty rickety, and there’s a case to be made that it is also politically unhinged. Rather than a coherent, cohesive organization it now functions as a field, a zone in which motley interests and ambitions can be pursued — which puts a premium on retaining power not for any single, ‘progressive’ objective but in order to facilitate the pursuit of disparate objectives. The ANC can no longer credibly claim to be the custodian of a coherent ‘liberation project’.

Which is exactly why it has to broadcast that claim ever louder and in new ways.

[Read more...]

Till Jesus Comes

Jacob Zuma, South Africa’s President, may not after all, rule as he promised “till Jesus comes“*.

[Read more...]

Homophobia as National Sport

This may make for depressing reading with your breakfast, but there’s nothing new about the entrenched  homophobia in South Africa, a place where men rape lesbians to “correct” them, a government minister last month refused to open a state-funded exhibition featuring photographic images of intimacy between gay women (the image above is an example), and Jacob Zuma, the country’s president, once said that when he was growing up gay men would not have stood in front of him. “I would knock him out.”

[Read more...]

Word for Word: Desmond Tutu

I think we are at a bad place in South Africa, and especially when you contrast it with the Mandela era. Many of the things that we dreamt were possible seem to be getting more and more out of reach. We have the most unequal society in the world. We have far too many of our people living in a poverty that is debilitating, inhumane and unacceptable.

New York Times Magazine

Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.

Join 2,262 other followers