Pizza aid

By Elliot Ross

What happens when humanitarian agencies ditch the tried-and-trusted fundraising method of splashing disaster porn across screens and news pages? What kind of images can possibly fill in for the altogether enthralling scene of non-white bodies wracked with overwhelming pain, images which express nothing but pure need? With Action Against Hunger’s new ad campaign, we’re beginning to find out what an alternative might look like.

As good students of Don Draper, we all know that advertising is based on one thing: happiness. According to Don this entails at least three things: smelling the interior of a new car, freedom from fear, and a billboard on the side of the road that screams with reassurance that whatever you’re doing is okay.

Which is all very well, provided an ad follows the underlying logic of advertising — lying to people to make us want something we don’t really need.

But with humanitarian advertising something strange happens. It would appear that when humanitarian groups solicit money from consumers of mass media an altogether different transaction is being proposed, namely one in which an advertiser tells the truth and compels people to hand over surplus cash so that the real and urgent needs of others can be met. At least, that’s something like how it should go.

Trouble is, the old consumer mentality dies very hard, and the two modes of advertising are all jumbled up. There aren’t two different kinds of advertising space, one for commercial ads and another for humanitarian appeals.

(This is one reason why self-evidently anti-humanitarian companies like BP, ExxonMobil, Shell, Chevron and others have lately gone to such conspicuous lengths to try to convince everybody that they’re actually much more like groups such as Greenpeace, or Medecins Sans Frontières, or the Disasters Emergency Committee, than they are like the sort of oil-spilling, icecap-melting, Iraq-invasion-lobbying, Saro-Wiwa-murdering transnational shysters that we might otherwise have quite innocently supposed them to be.)

In any case, the suspicion has long lurked that gawping at pictures of starving children in Africa might have somehow crossed over into the Don Draper realm of advertising, and become a source of happiness for the kindly Western reader. (And this mix-up, it must be stressed, has nothing whatsoever to do with the noble tradition of racism in Western culture extending back to Hegel and beyond.)

In fundraising campaigns from the Biafran war onwards it became clear that the most effective way of raising money for starving (almost always African) populations was also the way that luxuriated in the vulnerability of the hungry, that enjoyed not only Western power to save but Western power per se. And it now seems that more and more people are coming to the conclusion that weaving images of some of the world’s most vulnerable people into our ever brasher, crasser mediascape is not ok.

So what to make of Action Against Hunger’s latest efforts to depart from all this? What is the face of hunger advertising that has decided not to show a face? [Read more...]

Black France

By Alain Mabanckou*

A few months before the presidential elections in France appears this ‘beautiful book’, La France noire, Trois siècles de présences (‘Black France, Three centuries of presence’ (eds.) Pascal Blanchard, Sylvie Chalaye, Eric Deroo, Dominique Thomas & Mahamet Timera, La Découverte, 2011). Since immigration has become an issue of politics and demagogues, many black people in France believe they would be better off in the English-speaking countries — the situation of their “brothers” living there seems to them more bearable… Yet, before the French Revolution and, to some extent, during the colonial period, it was better to be a black person in France than anywhere else. One sees it with the massive arrival of African-American intellectuals in Paris, victims of racial segregation in their home country. “It wasn’t until the 1980s that this feeling, this attraction to France declined, and that a black person would think himself more free, more accepted and more recognized in Britain, the United States or in Johannesburg, even if his citizenship was a fully vested right in France.”

The presence of black people in France spans the last three centuries.

[Read more...]

Music Break. YaoBobby ft. Fredy Massamba

There’s a fast growing collection of cross-over hip hop songs produced by Central and West African artists making a living in the diaspora (especially in French-speaking hotbeds like Marseilles, Paris or Brussels), lyrically reaching back to the countries they’ve left. This collaboration between Togolese artist YaoBobby (rapping in Mina) and the prolific Fredy Massamba (singing in Lingala) on ‘(R)Evolution’ is another example. (You recognize the shirts.)

What’s a parody of a parody of a parody?

And with this, we hope to close our current chapter on Die Antwoord.

Bruce Lee and Rolanda Fisher, ‘outraged by the copying of their style and demand[ing] recognition and money,’  decided to mock Die Antwoord’s appearance on Taxi Jam* from a while back.

* Taxi jam is a South African ”series of intimate acoustic gigs shot in the back” of the minibus taxis common to South African streets. The acts in the series are mainly based in Cape Town.

Anton Kannemeyer’s Africa

By Lily Saint*
Die Antwoord skirts–and often dabbles in–homophobia and racist depictions in their videos and lyrics. Ostensibly to shake white South Africans out of their “middle class stupor.” Most of the time it does not work. Which is why we wondered what the large portraits of Yolandi Vi$$er and Waddy Jones (Ninja) were doing in Kannemeyer’s exhibit “After the Barbarians” that just finished (last weekend) at the Jack Shainman Gallery in New York.

Kannemeyer’s other portraits of well known figures tend to deride their subjects, as in the portrait of Jacob Zuma which appears in the show with the words: “King Klepto My President” emblazoned across it. The absence of textual commentary in the portraits of Yolandi and Ninja, however, prevents any straightforward interpretation. Is Kannemeyer giving them such grandiose proportions to compare their performances to those of the politicians he criticizes, or are the portraits laudatory? Kannemeyer’s cryptic representation seems uncharacteristic, though it wouldn’t come as a great surprise to discover he admires their brand of irreverence.

The rest of the works in the show are more directly message driven—as in the mock-anthropological “Fair Maidens of Africa” featuring women with severed hands, presumably referencing atrocities by the “barbarian” colonizers of the former Belgian Congo (recalling also the amputations of Sierra Leone’s civil war).

The show draws on several series of Kannemeyer’s and as such, seems tailored as an introduction to the range of Kannemeyer’s work rather than as a thoughtfully curated ensemble.

But one theme connecting many of the pieces is Kannemeyer’s expanded interest in matters no longer strictly confined to South Africa. In addition to his exploration of other colonial atrocities such as the amputations of the Congo, the show features portraits of Barack Obama and George W. Bush (in his continuing Alphabet of Democracy series) as well as a reference to the Abu Ghraib scandal. For me, the most interesting new works in the show were the collages entitled “Made in South Africa” which in meticulous arrangements juxtapose newspaper and magazine clippings with advertisements and Kannemeyer’s own drawings. Among other things the works suggest a newfound interest in exploring how the meanings, symbolism, and narratives of “other” places and commercial products shift when contextualized within and against South Africa.

* Lily Saint is an occasional guest blogger at AIAC. Her last post was on Evil Boy. She teaches English at the University of Pittsburgh. She researches and writes about popular culture and literature in South Africa.

Parachute Journalism

In my previous life as a South African political analyst, I would spend long hours on the telephone to a ‘political risk analyst’ in New York, working for a major international investment advisory group.  The conversations were not always easy, and much of my time was spent rebutting base assumptions that South Africa was the incarnation of the North’s flawed understanding and projection of ‘Big Man’ politics and ‘clientalism’ in West Africa.

Sample questions would include “Is he a Zulu?” or “Is he from KZN? [KwaZulu-Natal, Zuma's home province]” with regard to anyone associated with Jacob Zuma, and complete incomprehension with regard to the nuanced machinations–however flawed–of the ruling tripartite alliance.  I was constantly asked to divine the outcomes of leadership squabbles, business deals, and court cases, because–naturally–the tea-leaves of African ethnicity, patronage, and inter-connected corrupt activities trumped the irritations of independent institutions, profit motive, and constitutional democracy.

[Read more...]

Music Break. Rattex

Long after midnight, once the tourists and the party-goers have left Cape Town’s Long Street, the city’s darling hub looks pretty vacant, apart from the accidental taxi-driver — it forms the backdrop for South African rapper Rattex’s new video ‘Ewe Nje’. With an album and a mixtape under the belt, but hard to find in the local music stores; a lot more more videos recorded, but hardly played on South African TV, Long Street’s ‘Waiting Room’ club does seem a fit location.

* Re-read Mikko’s story about ‘RATTEX: Labour of love & hard entertainment’.

TV Heads

‘Kichwateli’ (‘TV head’ < Swahili) is one of the many chapters in the BLNRB project. Contributors are Just A Band (read Siddharta Mitter’s profile of the Kenyan trio here), street collective Maasai Mbili and the German electronic artists Modeselektor. The video was created by Bobb Muchiri (around the 5:00 mark neatly juxtaposing Nobel peace prize winner Obama’s statement on the killing of bin Laden with the image of the late Kenyan Wangari Maathai — you connect the dots). No, TV Head’s Kibera doesn’t quite have the air of More’s Utopia yet, referenced in the introduction, nor does Nairobi’s CCTV monitored city center.

African media and gay rights

Though Western media used to be egregious with their gay stereotypes, they’ve gotten better over time. Though there are slippages. Here‘s an example.  Anyway, gross stereotypes about gay people are generally not acceptable on the airwaves, on TV or in print anymore over here. So what about African media? Let’s take Nigeria.  One of my students, Travis Ferland (he’s contributed to AIAC before), interviewed the Nigerian activist Ifeanyi Orazulike earlier this week in New York City about this subject. Video above.

[Read more...]

Angolan Independence

By Dan Moshenberg

On Friday, November 10, 2011, Angola marked its 36th Independence Day since the proclamation of independence, November 10, 1975. It’s a few days later but better way to acknowledge the day than to focus on … Angola asylum seekers? By and large, the Western media paid no attention to Angola on Friday, but then again what else is new.

The great exception was Radio Netherlands Worldwide, which sported a piece entitled, “The `Mauros’ who could not stay.” `Mauro’ is Mauro Manuel, an 18 year-old Angolan lad who was recently informed he could stay in the Netherlands, where he’s lived, with a foster family, for the last eight years. Mauro wasn’t given asylum, but, on Tuesday last week, he was allowed a reprieve. The Dutch Parliament gave him a student visa. What happens next is up in the air.

The “other `Mauros’” are women.

Amalia is 17, Tucha is 19. Their father was killed, for political activities, and the older sister was raped. That’s when they fled Angola. They lived in the Netherlands for five years. Then, they were denied asylum and, after five years, shipped back to Angola. No matter that Amalia was 16 at the time, a minor. No matter that no one knows where their relatives are or even if they are. A year on, they still don’t know if their mother is dead or alive.

“At the other end of the scale”, according to RNI, is Engracia. 33 years old. Completed her education in the Netherlands, where she lived for 14 years. No political violence. Supported by middle class kin in Angola and the Dutch Refugee Council, who paid for her ticket back and gave her 2000 euros.

So that’s the RNI Angola Scale: weeping, terrorized, impoverished failed asylum seeking girl, on one end; successful, entrepreneurial woman, on the other. On one end, desperately poor and with no apparent means of securing income; on the other, `gifted’ handsomely, as a `returning refugee’, by the largesse of Europe.

Really? That’s the scale?

What about all those other women in Angola? What about the ones who organize, struggle, and keep on keeping on?

[Read more...]

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